Slow down!

Slow down !

By:Abdur Rahman Umar

"Can you believe this!" lamented Yusuf as he looked sadly at his leg covered from foot to knee in a thick white plaster cast leaving his plaster stained toes exposed.

"This is so frustrating!" he continued, addressing his exposed toes who had now become his captive audience, "Just when everything was going perfectly. Now this! Like I needed it in my life?"

Ridwaan stood idly by, adding little to the lament being addressed to the toes. He fidgeted wearily with his cell phone paying little attention to the monologue until Yusuf turned to him and asked:

"Did you hear what I said? I really didn't need this in my life. Not at any time, and definitely, definitely not now. I mean..."

"What's so special about now?" enquired Ridwaan not bothering to look up from his cell phone.

Yusuf ignored his question, shifted painfully in his chair and struggled to get his leg into a comfortable position. He stared at some of the graffiti on his plaster cast "Mojo was here!" "Oops. My brain just hit a bad sector" "On the other hand, you have different fingers" and some other writings that became a bit smudgy with the first attempt at taking a shower.

"I mean how does someone rupture an Achilles tendon playing tennis? It must be a one in a million thing, and I am the one! So now I sit – six weeks with this thing on my leg. Six weeks! and at a time when the business is going so well. Just when we got the Department of Education tender for printing. There's so much to do .... preparation, layout, design. Yo! It was going crazy at work."

Ridwaan stopped fidgeting with his cell phone long enough to exclaim, "So what's the hassle. You get a nice break and fully paid on top of it!"

"You don't understand, do you!" said Yusuf, glaring at him. An uncomfortable frown crossed his forehead, "You don't know what it means. I really didn't even have enough time to eat let alone take a six week break. We were working 12 hours a day to get that tender out. So what happens now?"

"I know exactly what it means," replied Ridwaan, "It means you were moving too fast so Allah put down a speed breaker"

"What!" he exclaimed, "What you mean...speed breaker?"

"You see, sometimes when we rush through life and we forget the important things then Allah puts down a speed bump so we can slow down and reflect. Maybe a little sickness or a small problem. Just to ponder on what we're doing and what we should be doing. And that's it! You were chasing like a madman so you got hit with a speed bump."

He paused allowing his words to sink in then continued, "You know most of us get so caught up in life then we forget about Allah, our salaah becomes just a ritual and the family ...well, they even forget who we are. I bet your kids call you Uncle by now?"

"Hey, it's not that bad," said Yusuf struggling to find a comfortable position for his plastered leg, "But I hear what you saying. Things were getting a bit out of hand. I missed my daughter's pre-school jalsa, my son's graduation and dropped a couple of salaahs on the way and jip, Allah knows what else I gave up for this tender...."

Yusuf fell silent pondering on his situation, a thin smile broke on his lips and his face lit up with this new found understanding, "So this wasn't all bad then. Actually...."

"It was for you own good," Ridwaan completed the sentence for him, "Too often we forget the real things in life...our Allah, our Deen, our families and those so called little things we tend to forget."

"Yup," chorused Yusuf, "I remember a clever guy telling me once, pay attention to the little things in life, for one day you may find out they were actually the big things. Really can't believe Allah's mercy and kindness upon us. It is, as they say, more than that of a mother. He cares for us and even what I thought was a horrible misfortune was actually an act of kindness from Him."

Allah, The Most Wise, says:"…and it may be that you dislike a thing which is good for you and that you like a thing which is bad for you. Allah knows but you do not know." ( Qur'an-Surah Baqarah: 216)

A calamity that makes you turn to Allah is better for you than a blessing which makes you forget the remembrance of Allah.

 Let us slow down and ponder of the journey of life and make more calculated decisions that will not only benefit us in the transitory life of this world but more so in the eternal life of the Hereafter.

 

How many “likes”?

How many "likes"?

 

By Sister Sumaiyah Seedat

How many times have we posted a picture that we thought to be something great and to our surprise the picture receives a meager 10 "likes"?...Instant removal !

In our quest to boost our self-confidence, we have become egotistical and as fake as the filters we apply to our pictures on social media. Sadly, our lives have come down to us needing constant validation from others, some of whom are complete strangers to us! This is unhealthy because we build unrealistic views on life and suddenly what Allah Ta'ala has given to us is not enough.

 

We find fault with our complexion, our weight, height even the colour of our hair requires some sort of modification. We are indeed so vulnerable. The filters applied to pictures are deceptive and brainwashing and yet so many of us strive to look that way.

 

"You will never look like the girl on the front page of the magazine, as even that girl doesn't look like her original self"

The harms of abusing social media are not only the inferiority-complex it gives its users, it also commonly leads to a narcissistic approach to life. One has reduced their self-worth to the amount of 'likes' they accumulate on their 'selfies' and thus feeding their ego's when they have indeed overlooked that "Allah does not like the arrogant, the boastful" (Qur'an An-Nisa, 4:36).

 

Really, our beauty is sacred; we are beautiful because we are the work of Allah! You do not need validation from any human being.

The next time you are about to post a 'selfie' that you are convinced is going to get you many likes, ask yourself 3 things:

1. Would I be comfortable showing this picture to my children?
2. Would I be pleased if they grew up to do the same?
3. If I were to take my last breath tomorrow, would my pictures work for or against me in my grave?

Islam is not about doom and gloom, but in fact it's about being in peace and harmony with our Creator 'Ar-Rahmaan'.

 
"Never despair of the mercy of your Lord" (Qur'an Az-Zumar 39:53)

No matter how far you may have strayed, do not let Shaitaan (Satan) misguide you into thinking that there is no way back, the doors of forgiveness are always open.

Always remember, a pretty face is temporary and inner beauty more important than outer beauty. Rather aspire to "be so beautiful that others can't take their HEARTS off you"

Kontestasi Islam Indonesia Kontemporer (3)

Kamis, 18 Februari 2016, 06:00 WIB

Azyumardi Azra

REPUBLIKA.CO.ID, Pemikiran Islam Indonesia kontemporer sedikit banyak memiliki kontinuitas dengan intelektualisme masa sebelumnya. Pemikiran Islam Indonesia yang pernah disebut sebagai "tradisional"--sering juga disebut sebagai "tradisionalisme Islam"--dalam batas tertentu kian memudar. Pada saat yang sama, corak pemikiran ini juga mengadopsi aspek intelektualisme yang lazim dinisbahkan pada pemikiran "modernis".

Pada sisi lain, pemikiran Islam yang disebut sebagai "modernisme Islam" juga mengalami perubahan. Perubahan itu banyak terkait dengan kegagalan proyek modernisme di lingkungan masyarakat Muslim tertentu, dan juga dengan kebangkitan agama (religious revival) di berbagai lingkungan komunitas di dalam dan luar negeri. Karena itu, "modernisme Islam" kian memberikan apresiasi lebih besar pada warisan Islam (al-turats al-Islamiyyah) dalam aspek pemikiran ataupun kelembagaan.

Dalam konteks itu, jelas dinamika pemikiran Islam Indonesia sangat terkait dengan dinamika masyarakat di ranah domestik ataupun global. Kontekstualisasi dan indigenisasi Islam, seperti pernah dianjurkan para pemikir sebelumnya, semacam Cak Nur, Gus Dur, atau Munawir Sjadzali, terus menjadi paradigma pemikiran Islam Indonesia kontemporer.

Namun, pada saat yang sama, konteks transregional dan internasional--dari dunia Muslim sendiri dan dunia internasional lebih luas terus pula kian meningkat memasuki ranah pemikiran Islam Indonesia. Globalisasi memberi dampak lebih luas daripada masa sebelumnya karena kemajuan telekomunikasi instan melalui berbagai media dan jaringan yang tidak pernah ada presedennya di masa silam.

Karena itu, seperti disarankan Carol Kersten dalam karyanya, Islam in Indonesia: The Contest for Society, Ideas and Values (London; 2015), pemikiran Islam Indonesia kontemporer dapat disebut sebagai berada pada tahap post-modernism. Namun, dia menegaskan tahap-tahap sejarah pemikiran Islam tidak harus selalu bersifat sekuensial atau sambung menyambung (successive), seperti tradisional, modern, dan pascamodernisme.

Kontestasi pemikiran Islam kontemporer, menurut dia, jika dikategorisasikan, terutama menyangkut pemahaman berbeda tentang sekularisme, pluralisme, dan liberalisme. Ketiga subjek yang menjadi perdebatan dan kontestasi muncul sebagai motif pokok dalam uji daya tahan Indonesia dalam proses demokratisasi yang kini sudah memasuki tahap konsolidasi.

Perdebatan mengenai subjek-subjek ini selain terjadi di antara intelektual dan lembaga Muslim, juga melibatkan kalangan non-Muslim. Hal ini tidak lain karena subjek pluralisme, misalnya, memiliki reperkusi dan konsekuensi terhadap kebebasan beragama, toleransi, dan selanjutnya juga hak asasi manusia (HAM).

Sebab itu, kontestasi pemikiran Islam kontemporer untuk hegemoni terhadap masyarakat, gagasan, dan nilai terlihat jelas dalam banyak tulisan para pemikir Islam masa ini. Mereka berusaha mengonseptualisasi dan merumuskan berbagai wacana. Sementara itu, para aktivis mencoba mencarikan jalan untuk artikulasi dan implementasi konkret gagasan yang ada.

Pemikiran dan langkah berbeda membuat kontestasi di antara para pemikir beserta aktivis yang mewakili kecenderungan pemikiran berbeda menghasilkan perdebatan hangat dan bahkan diwarnai "konfrontasi". Di sini, Kersten meminjam ungkapan mantan menhan AS Donald Rumsfeld tentang "perang gagasan" atau apa yang disebut kalangan Islamis sebagai ghazwul fikri atau "invasi intelektual".

Sekali lagi, intelektualisme Islam Indonesia tidak bisa dibahas dan dipahami secara isolasi tanpa mempertimbangkan berbagai faktor domestik dan konteks internasional sehingga membentuk apa yang disebut sebagai "formasi diskursif". Hasilnya, seperti dikemukakan John Bowen, antropolog-cum-Indonesianis-Islamisis, "menjadikan Indonesia sebagai salah satu situs utama di muka bumi ini untuk mengkaji keragaman sosial, gagasan politik, dan komitmen keagamaan".

Kersten mengikuti kerangka Bowen. Ia melihat "Indonesia sebagai situs yang secara khas ditandai pergumulan untuk menyatukan norma-norma dan nilai-nilai yang bersumber dari Islam, budaya lokal, dan kehidupan publik internasional".

Menurut Kersten, lingkungan Indonesia ditandai keragaman yang sangat bergairah (vibrant). Karena itulah, lanskap intelektual yang berkembang memunculkan berbagai figur dan lembaga dengan pemikiran Islam Indonesia yang progresif. Pada pihak lain, juga ada figur atau lembaga yang memunculkan "kontrawacana" yang oleh kalangan Indonesianis lain semacam Martin van Bruinessen disebut sebagai "gelombang konservatif" (conservative tide).

Tarik menarik, pergumulan, dan kontestasi dalam pemikiran Islam Indonesia pasti terus berlanjut pada masa depan. Merupakan tradisi yang sehat jika pergumulan tidak didasari prasangka dan permusuhan, tetapi sebaliknya tetap dengan saling menghargai--meski tidak setuju dengan suatu corak pemikiran tertentu.

http://republika.co.id/berita/kolom/resonansi/16/02/18/o2p2dd319-kontestasi-islam-indonesia-kontemporer-3

Kontestasi Islam Indonesia Kontemporer (2)

Kamis, 11 Februari 2016, 06:00 WIB

Azyumardi Azra

REPUBLIKA.CO.ID, Sejarah dan dinamika pemikiran Islam Indonesia kontemporer--masa yang tengah berlangsung sekarang--jelas terkait erat dan mengandung kontinuitas sekaligus perubahan dengan intelektualisme yang bertumbuh dalam masa-masa sebelumnya. Kenyataan ini bisa dilihat dari subjek dan tema yang menjadi wacana dan perdebatan di antara para pemikir dan intelektual Islam Indonesia.

Jika disederhanakan, setidaknya ada tiga periodisasi intelektualisme Islam sejak awal abad ke-20. Pertama, periode prakemerdekaan dengan tokoh intelektual, seperti Mohammad Natsir, Agus Salim, dan generasinya yang banyak bergulat tentang tema seputar hubungan Islam dengan nasionalisme atau Islam dan negara.

Kedua, generasi pertama pascakemerdekaan yang mencakup tokoh pemikir dan intelektual semacam Nurcholish Madjid, Abdurrahman Wahid, Ahmad Syafii Maarif dengan generasinya; sebagian sudah almarhum dan ada pula yang masih aktif. Mereka juga masih terlibat dalam subjek tentang Islam dan negara, Islam dan politik, juga Islam dan modernisasi.

Ketiga, generasi yang betul-betul kontemporer yang aktif berkiprah dan mencapai prominensi sejak masa pasca-Soeharto. Generasi ini hidup di masa pasca-Nurcholish Madjid dan Abdurahman Wahid yang ditandai dengan liberalisasi politik dan demokrasi yang memberikan peluang besar bagi setiap orang atau kelompok mengembangkan aspirasi, gagasan, dan nilai yang sering bertolak belakang dan terlibat kontestasi satu sama lain.

Kontestasi gagasan dan nilai untuk memenangkan pengaruh dalam masyarakat yang menampilkan kecenderungan intelektual berbeda disuarakan beragam individu yang terkait dengan lembaga, organisasi, atau kelompok tertentu. Carool Kersten dalam karyanya, Islam in Indonesia: The Contest for Society, Ideas and Values (London; 2015), berusaha memetakan berbagai kecenderungan pemikiran Islam Indonesia kontemporer.

Salah satu kecenderungan intelektualisme Islam Indonesia kontemporer, menurut Kersten, adalah absennya figur intelektual yang benar-benar menjadi primadona untuk generasinya. Figur-figur intelektual terpencar ke dalam berbagai lembaga dan kelompok--tidak lagi terpusat pada figur-figur tertentu.

Kersten mengkaji dinamika pemikiran Islam Indonesia kontemporer dengan meneliti kelompok-kelompok yang terlibat dalam berbagai bentuk aktivisme intelektual. Pendekatan dia ini berbeda dengan Robert Hefner dalam Civil Islam: Muslim and Democratization in Indonesia (2000) yang menekankan pentingnya peran individu dalam dinamika intelektualisme Islam Indonesia pada masa generasi Cak Nur.

Penekanan pada peran figur intelektual daripada lembaga sebagai aktor intelektualisme Islam Indonesia kontemporer mendapat kritik dari sarjana lain semacam John T Sidel (2001). Yang terakhir ini justru menekankan peran madrasah sebagai sumber awal dinamika pemikiran Islam Indonesia kontemporer.

Namun, Johan Meuleman, guru besar asal Belanda yang lama bertugas di IAIN/UIN Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta, mengkritik penekanan Siedel yang ia pandang berlebihan tentang peran madrasah dalam masyarakat Indonesia umumnya dan dalam perkembangan pemikiran reformis atau kelas menengah Muslim khususnya.

Sebaliknya, Meuleman mengingatkan agar orang tidak mengabaikan atau meremehkan peran dan kontribusi pesantren dan IAIN (juga UIN dan STAIN) beserta banyak institusi yang menyertainya, seperti lembaga riset, kelompok diskusi dan belajar. Mereka ini berperan besar dalam emansipasi kelompok besar Muslim dan juga dalam perkembangan gagasan pluralis dan demokratis.

Kersten tampaknya mengikuti Meuleman dengan menekankan peran lembaga dan kelompok intelektual melalui pendekatan jaringan (network approach). Pertumbuhan lembaga dan kelompok intelektual terkait banyak dengan pertumbuhan eksplosif kelas menengah terdidik Muslim--baik dalam jumlah absolut maupun proporsi dengan jumlah penduduk Indonesia secara keseluruhan.

Dengan tetap mempertimbangkan relevansi konteks dimensi struktural politik, sosial, dan kultural, kajian Kersten memiliki ambisi menjadikan investigasinya sebagai kajian pertama tentang sejarah intelektual substantif. Kajiannya adalah sejarah gagasan dengan mengungkapkan riwayat mereka yang mengonseptualisasi dan memformulasi cara baru berpikir tentang agama dan menerjemahkannya menjadi agenda pembaruan guna merespons tantangan serius yang dihadapi Indonesia dewasa ini.

Masalahnya kemudian sudah banyak diketahui. Dalam ungkapan Kersten, tantangan berat dalam upaya mengungkapkan pemikiran Islam Indonesia kontemporer adalah absennya meta-narrative yang sistematis. Para intelektual Indonesia jarang menulis buku utuh; sebaliknya lebih banyak menulis makalah, esai, dan kolom--dan kemudian juga blog di dunia maya. Karena itu, peneliti harus meneliti banyak literatur yang tentu saja menghabiskan banyak waktu dan tenaga.

http://www.republika.co.id/berita/kolom/resonansi/16/02/11/o2c5tv319-kontestasi-islam-indonesia-kontemporer-2

Kontestasi Islam Indonesia Kontemporer (1)

Kamis, 04 Februari 2016, 06:00 WIB
Kontestasi Islam Indonesia Kontemporer (1)

Azyumardi Azra

REPUBLIKA.CO.ID, Sejarah Islam Indonesia kontemporer yang komprehensif masih cukup langka ditemukan. Memang ada beberapa kajian tentang subjek ini, tapi lazimnya terbatas pada aspek tertentu Islam Indonesia kontemporer. Hasilnya, orang sulit mendapat gambaran lengkap, utuh, dan komprehensif tentang dinamika Islam Indonesia secara keseluruhan.

Hal ini juga benar dalam konteks buku karya Carool Kersten, Islam in Indonesia: The Contest for Society, Ideas and Values. Karya cukup substantif (xx+373 halaman) yang terbit pada akhir 2015 (London: Hurst & Company) membahas sejarah Islam Indonesia kontemporer dalam bidang pemikiran Islam. Dalam pengantarnya, Kersten menyebutnya sebagai "an intellectual history of contemporary Indonesian Islam".

Karena itu, sejarah Islam Indonesia kontemporer karya Kersten tidak mencakup dinamika dan perkembangan pranata dan lembaga Islam Indonesia yang juga sangat signifikan dalam masa setidaknya tiga dasawarsa terakhir. Peminat sejarah Islam Indonesia kontemporer dalam bidang terakhir ini harus mencari dalam karya-karya lain. Sayang, belum ada pula karya dalam bahasa internasional yang secara ekstensif dan komprehensif mengkaji pertumbuhan pranata dan lembaga Islam Indonesia pada masa kontemporer.

Kersten, dosen senior Kajian Islam dan Dunia Muslim di King’s College London dan sekaligus peneliti pada Pusat Kajian Asia Tenggara, School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS), memusatkan banyak perhatian pada sejarah intelektual Islam Indonesia. Ia sendiri menyebut karya terakhirnya sebagai sekuel dari bukunya yang terbit sebelumnya, Cosmopolitanism and Heretics: New Muslim Intellectuals and the Study  of Islam (2011).

Dalam Cosmopolitan and Heretics, Kersten membahas panjang lebar sejarah intelektual Islam Indonesia, seperti diwakili Nurcholish Madjid (17/3/1939-29/8/2005). Di antara hal menarik dalam kajian terdahulu ini, intelektualisme Nurcholish Madjid dibahas Kersten dalam perspektif perbandingan dengan Muhammad Arkoun (1/2/1938-14/9/2010), pemikir asal Aljazair yang bermukim di Prancis dan Hassan Hanafi (lahir di Kairo 13/2/1935), pemikir Mesir yang merupakan guru besar filsafat Universitas Kairo. Dengan pembahasan mencakup ketiga intelektual—Nurcholish Madjid, Arkoun, dan Hanafi—Kersten menempatkan sejarah intelektual Islam Indonesia ke dalam konteks global Dunia Muslim.

Kontekstualisasi pemikiran Islam Indonesia ke Dunia Muslim global merupakan gejala dan fenomena baru dalam Kajian Islam Indonesia dan Kajian Islam global secara keseluruhan. Sampai akhir 1980-an, Kajian Islam Indonesia di kalangan Orientalis yang kemudian lebih senang disebut Islamisis tidak tercakup dalam Kajian Islam global. Islam Indonesia mereka anggap 'periferal’ vis-à-vis Islam Timur Tengah atau persisnya Islam Dunia Arab yang mereka pandang sebagai ‘pusat’ (center) Islam. Hasilnya, Islam mereka buat identik dengan Arab—tidak dengan Muslim di wilayah-wilayah lain, seperti Indonesia.

Namun, gejala dan fenomena itu mulai memudar dengan kritik Edward Said dalam karyanya, Orientalism (1978), yang antara lain, mencakup identifikasi Islam dengan Arab. Dalam karya monumentalnya yang sudah klasik dalam bidangnya, Said mengkritik keras penggambaran stereotipikal Orientalisme tentang Islam dengan Arab yang eksotis, terbelakang, tidak berbudaya, dan berbahaya.

Hasilnya, sejak akhir 1980-an, teori dan argumen tentang ‘center’ dan ‘periferi’ juga mulai ditinggalkan. Kajian Islam Indonesia kian menjadi bagian integral Kajian Islam global. Islam Indonesia boleh saja dianggap ‘feriferi’ secara geografis karena jauh dari Dunia Arab, tetapi tidak dalam pemahaman dan praksis keislaman; dan tidak juga dalam dinamika intelektual dan kelembagaan.

Namun, pada saat yang hampir berbarengan, paradigma Orientalisme yang dikritik Said masih bertahan dan bahkan terus meningkat kembali berikutan peristiwa semacam ‘Nine-Eleven’/9 September 2001 di New York, Washington DC dan Philadelphia, yang kemudian diikuti pengeboman di Bali (12/10/2002 dan 1/10/2005), Madrid (11/3/2004), London (7/7/2005), dan terakhir di Paris (13/10/2015). Pandangan stereotipikal Islam dengan Arab dan kekerasan kian meningkat—membangkitkan kembali gelombang Islamofobia, baik dalam hal agama, budaya, maupun politik di kalangan masyarakat Eropa, Amerika, dan Australia.

Peristiwa kekerasan tersebut lebih tercakup dalam sejarah politik Islam kontemporer—tentang kelompok kecil Muslim yang ingin mewujudkan agenda politik tertentu atas nama Islam secara kekerasan. Aspek sejarah intelektual dalam gerakan kelompok kekerasan ini lebih menyangkut wacana dan konsep tentang jihad yang dirumuskan secara ad hoc dan parsial vis a-vis ajaran dan konsep Islam komprehensif.

Sejarah intelektual Islam Indonesia kontemporer dalam pembahasan Kersten sejak dasawarsa awal abad ke-20 juga memiliki kaitan dan ramifikasi global. Akan tetapi, dengan posisi geografis strategis, sebagai negara Muslim terbesar di dunia, negara berpenduduk keempat terbesar, dan negara demokrasi terbesar ketiga di dunia, Indonesia dapat memberi jalan ketiga alternatif bagi Dunia Muslim lain.

http://www.republika.co.id/berita/kolom/resonansi/16/02/04/o1z4mh319-kontestasi-islam-indonesia-kontemporer-1

An escapist view of extremism

By

Jeremy Menchik, Guest Contributor

– 14 January 2016Posted in: Indonesia, Indonesian Politics

Yes, Indonesia’s mass Islamic organisations are tolerant and democrats. But no, that doesn’t mean their culture can be exported to counter extremism.

Can the solution to Islamic extremism be found in the importation of a more tolerant and democratic culture to the Middle East? This is the question at the heart of recent discussions in the pages of The New York Times, The Huffington Post, and The Boston Globe about Islam Nusantara (Islam of the archipelago).

Islam Nusantara is the name given to the theology of the world’s largest Islamic organisation, Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) of Indonesia. NU supports democracy, is largely tolerant of religious minorities, and does not seek state implementation of Islamic law. Promoters of Islam Nusantara argue that exporting this aspect of Indonesian Islamic culture can provide the antidote to the disease of Islamic extremism and militant jihadism plaguing the Muslim world.

It’s an instinctively appealing idea. It’s also wrong. The idea that Indonesian culture can be exported is a fiction born of a threefold misunderstanding about NU, the barriers to strengthening democratic values in the Middle East, and the origins of Islamic State (IS).

The term Islam Nusantara was coined in the early 2000s to refer to NU’s theological mix of Sunni Islam, Sufism, and local religious practices like the veneration of the nine saints of Java (the Walisongo). These practices are born out of the structure of NU.

NU is a coalition of Islamic preachers and prominent Javanese families that came together in 1926 to oppose the influence of Islamic modernism, the movement from Egypt launched by Jamal ad-Din al-Afghani, Muhammad Abduh and Muhammad Rasyid Ridha to strengthen Muslims through the promotion of science and a return to the foundational sources of Islam. Instead of reforming Islam, NU seeks to retain its mix of classical Islamic jurisprudence, Sufism, and local traditions rooted in the pilgrimage sites of Java.

Today NU’s opponent is still Islamic modernism as well as its distant cousin, Salafi jihadism. And despite what proponents of Islam Nusantara say, NU’s tolerance is selective.

Its tolerance of Christians, Hindus, Buddhists and Confucians stands in stark contrast to its longstanding intolerance of Ahmadi Muslims and communists. The reason for this discrepancy is that Christians and the other accepted minorities have been important allies for NU in its struggle against Islamic modernism, while communists and Ahmadis are seen as a threat to NU and the Indonesian nation.

Certainly it is important to counter the idea that Islam and IS are the same. And it is true that NU’s tolerant culture has been crucial for the success of Indonesian democracy. But exporting a partial aspect of Javanese traditionalist Islam without the institutional, familiar, or local structure that supports it is unlikely to have much influence. This is indeed why NU has not spread beyond Indonesia in the 90 years since it was founded.


NU’s beliefs are compatible with democracy. But as survey researchers have long known (and reported repeatedly here, here and here), so are the views of most of the world’s Muslims. The barriers to democracy in the Muslim world are political and economic, not cultural.

IS was born in the same conditions in which the Taliban and Hamas were born, in places where there is no meaningful political representation or political order. The prolonged civil war in Syria and failed reconstruction of Iraq created a power vacuum that IS filled.

By contrast to the situation in Iraq and Syria, an environment of sustained political engagement provided the context in which the political aspects of Islam Nusantara were developed.

In the 1920s NU’s religious theology was accompanied by a political vision for an international Caliphate and Islamic state. But Indonesia provides strong evidence that if you allow Islamic organisations to participate in the political process they will moderate their demands and become part of the system rather than seek to overthrow it.

Over the course of the 20th and early 21st centuries, Indonesian Islamic organisations like NU that have participated in crafting the policies of the state have implicitly or explicitly moderated their views.

Their leaders have shifted from being pan-Islamists who seek a global Caliphate, to Indonesian Islamists who aim to create an Indonesian Islamic State, to Indonesian Muslim pluralists who actively work with other religious and ideological groups and promise to safeguard their rights, to post-Islamists who view Islam as complementary to other ways of organising politics and society. They have moderated through participation.

While there are exceptions to this trend, most notably the “new Islamists” who generate dramatic headlines but possess little electoral or social influence, the overall trend toward moderation is clear — include Islamists in the political process, and over time their ideologies and tactics will moderate toward support for democracy. This is the opposite of what has happened in Iraq and Syria, where despots with foreign backing have coopted Islamists or actively oppressed them.

The idea of exporting a more tolerant culture is a prime example of what the anthropologist Mahmood Mamdani calls “culture talk”; the predilection to define Islamic cultures according to their ‘essential’ characteristics in order to sort good Muslims from bad Muslims rather than discussing the specific conditions under which extremist movements emerge. It is a shallow and escapist way of thinking about the problem of Islamic extremism.

An example may help illustrate the problem of culture talk. What if we turned the logic of exporting culture around? Since Britain has almost zero gun violence, and the United States has an epidemic of gun violence, perhaps the problem could be solved by importing British culture to the United States?
Such a solution may be appealing at first glance, but it’s a fanciful way of thinking about a problem that would be better addressed through normal policies. In the case of IS, that means supporting more representative political institutions and equitable economies, and reducing support for militarism in the Middle East.

Jeremy Menchik is assistant professor in the Pardee School of Global Studies at Boston University. His book Islam and Democracy in Indonesia: Tolerance without Liberalism, is forthcoming from Cambridge University Press.

http://asiapacific.anu.edu.au/newmandala/2016/01/14/an-escapist-view-of-extremism/

Azis Anwar Fachrudin

, Yogyakarta | December 18 2015 | 4:43 PM

The 90-minute film Rahmat Islam Nusantara (promoted in English as The Divine Grace of East Indies Islam) has attracted international attention, along with the idea of Islam Nusantara, after a piece about it appeared in The New York Times. Sharing the theme of Nahdlatul Ulama’s (NU) national congress several months ago, the film always intended to share the idea of Islam Nusantara, Indonesia’s unique style of Islam, with a global audience.

The filmmaker wants the international community to see that there are traditional interpretations of Islam that are friendly to local cultures, which are not found in any of the other Muslim-majority countries.

Indeed, being home to the world’s largest Muslim population, the concept of Islam Nusantara basically conveys the message that Indonesian Islam, despite being miles away from the birthplace of Islam, should not be treated as a peripheral tradition while “Arabic Islam” is at the center of the Muslim world.

This is one of the problems of today’s international discourse on Islam.

Instead, particularly in today’s context where the international image of Islam is tarnished by the bombings and beheadings committed by the Islamic State (IS) movement and political chaos in the Middle East, Islam Nusantara has the power to change people’s perceptions.

Islam has been a major force in the democratization process since the Reform era in Indonesia, and
in this respect Indonesia is an answer to the classic question of whether democracy is compatible with Islam (or, to be more precise, Muslims).

The report in The New York Times, along with positive responses from other international media, were right in their the premise that Islam Nusantara is a challenge to the Wahhabist interpretation of Islam.

Indeed, NU was initially founded as a response to Wahhabism: it tried to preserve local Islamic cultures that are legitimate under NU’s Sunni Islam, but considered degradations or violations of the tauhid principle according to the Wahhabists.

In this respect, Islam Nusantara is indeed a challenge to IS, as the group’s theology exemplifies Wahhabism.

The radical group’s destruction of the tombs of respectable Muslim scholars and saints, its rigid interpretation of tauhid/monotheism, its narrow definition of what a real Muslim is and should be, the ease with which it declares other Muslims infidels — these are all manifestations of Wahhabism.

Thus, Islam Nusantara can lead the theological battle against IS. What Indonesian Muslims perhaps need is more confidence that now is a good time for Islam Nusantara to be further exposed to a global audience via stepping up institutional initiatives.

A critical factor that should be taken into consideration is that some violent acts of IS are not ramifications of, or unique to Wahhabism; they have precedence in the canonical books of fiqh the opinions of classical Muslim jurists.

In this regard, good examples are the death penalty for apostasy and homosexual acts (some add heresy and blasphemy as capital offenses), cutting off the hands of thieves, stoning adulterers, killing or enslaving captives of war and other Islamic laws regarding crime and punishment (hudud wal-jinaya).

These punishments are not unique to Wahhabism. Some of them are even stated explicitly in Islamic scripture; and have been deemed permissible by many Muslim jurists in the pre-modern era.

This is why for many Muslims, it is sometimes not easy to say that some of the violent acts of IS are un-Islamic.
____________________________________

One could propose a reform of Islamic teachings, particularly in regard to legal issues.

I myself was engaged in a discussion of Islamic issues with some young NU intellectuals and activists a few weeks ago, and we found it difficult to claim that the aforementioned punishments were un-Islamic, simply because they have precedence in classical Islamic law.

Therefore, to delegitimize them would require a relatively new and sophisticated approach to the Islamic philosophy of law.

Just take the example of slavery Muslims can say whatever they want about Islam’s good treatment of slaves or Islam’s gradual movement toward the abolition of slavery. Yet one cannot find any explicit statement both in Islamic scripture and the classical books of fiqh that prohibits slavery. Even the “Open Letter to Baghdadi” signed by hundreds of the world’s leading Muslim scholars (which seems to have received less exposure in the international media) could not provide explicit scriptural support for the prohibition of slavery.

What we can see in these Islamic jurisprudential issues is that, at least on a practical level, some of the stipulations of Islamic law that were normal in the pre-modern era are no longer considered so in the 21st century, even by many Muslims themselves.

And on a theoretical level, these stipulations can still be found in the books of fiqh that are studied by most Muslims around the globe, including in the Indonesian archipelago.

The theological and legal schools of thought embraced by NU’s followers are basically similar to the majority of Sunni Muslims around the globe: Ashariyah/Maturidiyah theology and the four Sunni jurisprudential schools of Hanafi, Maliki, Shafi’i and Hanbali.

This is why we have Muslim modernists or reformists who are attempting to reinterpret some Islamic teachings that are in opposition with the zeitgeist of the 21st century.

So, the primary question is: how does one delegitimize the violent acts of IS and say that they are un-Islamic? I do not think that the ideas of Islam Nusantara are enough to combat IS on this point.

There must be something more than a theological battle.

One could propose a reform of Islamic teachings, particularly in regard to legal issues. Others could propose a revision or even abrogation of some Islamic teachings.

At the end of the day, if we are to carry out an ideological fight against IS based in Islamic theology, a reinterpretation of some Islamic teachings grounded in a well-developed philosophy is a must.
_______________________________________

The writer is a graduate student at the Center for Religious and Cross-cultural Studies (CRCS), Gadjah Mada University, Yogyakarta, and contributor to the book Islam Nusantara (2015) published by Mizan. The views expressed are his own.

- See more at: http://m.thejakartapost.com/news/2015/12/18/indonesia-s-islam-nusantara-a-challenge-islamic-state.html#sthash.dF69eiuJ.dpuf

Indonesia’s Islam Nusantara: A challenge to Islamic State?

Azis Anwar Fachrudin

, Yogyakarta | December 18 2015 | 4:43 PM

The 90-minute film Rahmat Islam Nusantara (promoted in English as The Divine Grace of East Indies Islam) has attracted international attention, along with the idea of Islam Nusantara, after a piece about it appeared in The New York Times. Sharing the theme of Nahdlatul Ulama’s (NU) national congress several months ago, the film always intended to share the idea of Islam Nusantara, Indonesia’s unique style of Islam, with a global audience.

The filmmaker wants the international community to see that there are traditional interpretations of Islam that are friendly to local cultures, which are not found in any of the other Muslim-majority countries.

Indeed, being home to the world’s largest Muslim population, the concept of Islam Nusantara basically conveys the message that Indonesian Islam, despite being miles away from the birthplace of Islam, should not be treated as a peripheral tradition while “Arabic Islam” is at the center of the Muslim world.

This is one of the problems of today’s international discourse on Islam.

Instead, particularly in today’s context where the international image of Islam is tarnished by the bombings and beheadings committed by the Islamic State (IS) movement and political chaos in the Middle East, Islam Nusantara has the power to change people’s perceptions.

Islam has been a major force in the democratization process since the Reform era in Indonesia, and
in this respect Indonesia is an answer to the classic question of whether democracy is compatible with Islam (or, to be more precise, Muslims).

The report in The New York Times, along with positive responses from other international media, were right in their the premise that Islam Nusantara is a challenge to the Wahhabist interpretation of Islam.

Indeed, NU was initially founded as a response to Wahhabism: it tried to preserve local Islamic cultures that are legitimate under NU’s Sunni Islam, but considered degradations or violations of the tauhid principle according to the Wahhabists.

In this respect, Islam Nusantara is indeed a challenge to IS, as the group’s theology exemplifies Wahhabism.

The radical group’s destruction of the tombs of respectable Muslim scholars and saints, its rigid interpretation of tauhid/monotheism, its narrow definition of what a real Muslim is and should be, the ease with which it declares other Muslims infidels — these are all manifestations of Wahhabism.

Thus, Islam Nusantara can lead the theological battle against IS. What Indonesian Muslims perhaps need is more confidence that now is a good time for Islam Nusantara to be further exposed to a global audience via stepping up institutional initiatives.

A critical factor that should be taken into consideration is that some violent acts of IS are not ramifications of, or unique to Wahhabism; they have precedence in the canonical books of fiqh the opinions of classical Muslim jurists.

In this regard, good examples are the death penalty for apostasy and homosexual acts (some add heresy and blasphemy as capital offenses), cutting off the hands of thieves, stoning adulterers, killing or enslaving captives of war and other Islamic laws regarding crime and punishment (hudud wal-jinaya).

These punishments are not unique to Wahhabism. Some of them are even stated explicitly in Islamic scripture; and have been deemed permissible by many Muslim jurists in the pre-modern era.

This is why for many Muslims, it is sometimes not easy to say that some of the violent acts of IS are un-Islamic.
____________________________________

One could propose a reform of Islamic teachings, particularly in regard to legal issues.

I myself was engaged in a discussion of Islamic issues with some young NU intellectuals and activists a few weeks ago, and we found it difficult to claim that the aforementioned punishments were un-Islamic, simply because they have precedence in classical Islamic law.

Therefore, to delegitimize them would require a relatively new and sophisticated approach to the Islamic philosophy of law.

Just take the example of slavery Muslims can say whatever they want about Islam’s good treatment of slaves or Islam’s gradual movement toward the abolition of slavery. Yet one cannot find any explicit statement both in Islamic scripture and the classical books of fiqh that prohibits slavery. Even the “Open Letter to Baghdadi” signed by hundreds of the world’s leading Muslim scholars (which seems to have received less exposure in the international media) could not provide explicit scriptural support for the prohibition of slavery.

What we can see in these Islamic jurisprudential issues is that, at least on a practical level, some of the stipulations of Islamic law that were normal in the pre-modern era are no longer considered so in the 21st century, even by many Muslims themselves.

And on a theoretical level, these stipulations can still be found in the books of fiqh that are studied by most Muslims around the globe, including in the Indonesian archipelago.

The theological and legal schools of thought embraced by NU’s followers are basically similar to the majority of Sunni Muslims around the globe: Ashariyah/Maturidiyah theology and the four Sunni jurisprudential schools of Hanafi, Maliki, Shafi’i and Hanbali.

This is why we have Muslim modernists or reformists who are attempting to reinterpret some Islamic teachings that are in opposition with the zeitgeist of the 21st century.

So, the primary question is: how does one delegitimize the violent acts of IS and say that they are un-Islamic? I do not think that the ideas of Islam Nusantara are enough to combat IS on this point.

There must be something more than a theological battle.

One could propose a reform of Islamic teachings, particularly in regard to legal issues. Others could propose a revision or even abrogation of some Islamic teachings.

At the end of the day, if we are to carry out an ideological fight against IS based in Islamic theology, a reinterpretation of some Islamic teachings grounded in a well-developed philosophy is a must.
_______________________________________

The writer is a graduate student at the Center for Religious and Cross-cultural Studies (CRCS), Gadjah Mada University, Yogyakarta, and contributor to the book Islam Nusantara (2015) published by Mizan. The views expressed are his own.
- See more at: http://m.thejakartapost.com/news/2015/12/18/indonesia-s-islam-nusantara-a-challenge-islamic-state.html#sthash.dF69eiuJ.dpuf

Indonesia’s Islam Nusantara: A challenge to Islamic State?

Azis Anwar Fachrudin

, Yogyakarta | December 18 2015 | 4:43 PM

The 90-minute film Rahmat Islam Nusantara (promoted in English as The Divine Grace of East Indies Islam) has attracted international attention, along with the idea of Islam Nusantara, after a piece about it appeared in The New York Times. Sharing the theme of Nahdlatul Ulama’s (NU) national congress several months ago, the film always intended to share the idea of Islam Nusantara, Indonesia’s unique style of Islam, with a global audience.

The filmmaker wants the international community to see that there are traditional interpretations of Islam that are friendly to local cultures, which are not found in any of the other Muslim-majority countries.

Indeed, being home to the world’s largest Muslim population, the concept of Islam Nusantara basically conveys the message that Indonesian Islam, despite being miles away from the birthplace of Islam, should not be treated as a peripheral tradition while “Arabic Islam” is at the center of the Muslim world.

This is one of the problems of today’s international discourse on Islam.

Instead, particularly in today’s context where the international image of Islam is tarnished by the bombings and beheadings committed by the Islamic State (IS) movement and political chaos in the Middle East, Islam Nusantara has the power to change people’s perceptions.

Islam has been a major force in the democratization process since the Reform era in Indonesia, and
in this respect Indonesia is an answer to the classic question of whether democracy is compatible with Islam (or, to be more precise, Muslims).

The report in The New York Times, along with positive responses from other international media, were right in their the premise that Islam Nusantara is a challenge to the Wahhabist interpretation of Islam.

Indeed, NU was initially founded as a response to Wahhabism: it tried to preserve local Islamic cultures that are legitimate under NU’s Sunni Islam, but considered degradations or violations of the tauhid principle according to the Wahhabists.

In this respect, Islam Nusantara is indeed a challenge to IS, as the group’s theology exemplifies Wahhabism.

The radical group’s destruction of the tombs of respectable Muslim scholars and saints, its rigid interpretation of tauhid/monotheism, its narrow definition of what a real Muslim is and should be, the ease with which it declares other Muslims infidels — these are all manifestations of Wahhabism.

Thus, Islam Nusantara can lead the theological battle against IS. What Indonesian Muslims perhaps need is more confidence that now is a good time for Islam Nusantara to be further exposed to a global audience via stepping up institutional initiatives.

A critical factor that should be taken into consideration is that some violent acts of IS are not ramifications of, or unique to Wahhabism; they have precedence in the canonical books of fiqh the opinions of classical Muslim jurists.

In this regard, good examples are the death penalty for apostasy and homosexual acts (some add heresy and blasphemy as capital offenses), cutting off the hands of thieves, stoning adulterers, killing or enslaving captives of war and other Islamic laws regarding crime and punishment (hudud wal-jinaya).

These punishments are not unique to Wahhabism. Some of them are even stated explicitly in Islamic scripture; and have been deemed permissible by many Muslim jurists in the pre-modern era.

This is why for many Muslims, it is sometimes not easy to say that some of the violent acts of IS are un-Islamic.
____________________________________

One could propose a reform of Islamic teachings, particularly in regard to legal issues.

I myself was engaged in a discussion of Islamic issues with some young NU intellectuals and activists a few weeks ago, and we found it difficult to claim that the aforementioned punishments were un-Islamic, simply because they have precedence in classical Islamic law.

Therefore, to delegitimize them would require a relatively new and sophisticated approach to the Islamic philosophy of law.

Just take the example of slavery Muslims can say whatever they want about Islam’s good treatment of slaves or Islam’s gradual movement toward the abolition of slavery. Yet one cannot find any explicit statement both in Islamic scripture and the classical books of fiqh that prohibits slavery. Even the “Open Letter to Baghdadi” signed by hundreds of the world’s leading Muslim scholars (which seems to have received less exposure in the international media) could not provide explicit scriptural support for the prohibition of slavery.

What we can see in these Islamic jurisprudential issues is that, at least on a practical level, some of the stipulations of Islamic law that were normal in the pre-modern era are no longer considered so in the 21st century, even by many Muslims themselves.

And on a theoretical level, these stipulations can still be found in the books of fiqh that are studied by most Muslims around the globe, including in the Indonesian archipelago.

The theological and legal schools of thought embraced by NU’s followers are basically similar to the majority of Sunni Muslims around the globe: Ashariyah/Maturidiyah theology and the four Sunni jurisprudential schools of Hanafi, Maliki, Shafi’i and Hanbali.

This is why we have Muslim modernists or reformists who are attempting to reinterpret some Islamic teachings that are in opposition with the zeitgeist of the 21st century.

So, the primary question is: how does one delegitimize the violent acts of IS and say that they are un-Islamic? I do not think that the ideas of Islam Nusantara are enough to combat IS on this point.

There must be something more than a theological battle.

One could propose a reform of Islamic teachings, particularly in regard to legal issues. Others could propose a revision or even abrogation of some Islamic teachings.

At the end of the day, if we are to carry out an ideological fight against IS based in Islamic theology, a reinterpretation of some Islamic teachings grounded in a well-developed philosophy is a must.
_______________________________________

The writer is a graduate student at the Center for Religious and Cross-cultural Studies (CRCS), Gadjah Mada University, Yogyakarta, and contributor to the book Islam Nusantara (2015) published by Mizan. The views expressed are his own.
- See more at: http://m.thejakartapost.com/news/2015/12/18/indonesia-s-islam-nusantara-a-challenge-islamic-state.html#sthash.dF69eiuJ.dpuf

Islam Nusantara: Dari Ushul Fiqih Hingga Pemahaman Kebangsaan

Bedah buku Islam Nusantara: Dari Ushul Fiqih Hingga Pemahaman Kebangsaan. Puslitbang Kehidupan Keagamaan Badan Litbang dan Diklat Kemenag, Selasa 13 Oktober 2015.

Khitah Islam Nusantara

Oleh Ma’ruf Amin

Akhir-akhir ini Islam Nusantara jadi wacana publik. Tak hanya di kalangan warga Nahdlatul Ulama (nahdliyin), tetapi seluruh masyarakat Indonesia ikut memperbincangkannya.

Seolah-olah ada anggapan bahwa Islam Nusantara adalah hal baru. Hal ini wajar karena Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) adalah ormas terbesar bangsa ini. Jika terjadi perubahan di dalam organisasi ini, pengaruhnya segera dirasakan oleh seluruh negeri. Karena itu, bentuk apresiasi publik seperti ini sangatlah positif, baik bagi NU maupun bagi negeri ini.

Sebagai tema Muktamar NU 2015 di Jombang yang digelar beberapa waktu lalu, Islam Nusantara memang baru dideklarasikan. Namun, sebagai pemikiran, gerakan, dan tindakan, Islam Nusantara bukanlah hal baru bagi kita. Islam Nusantara adalah Islam Ahlussunnah Waljamaah al-Nadliyyah. Mengapa di sini perlu penyifatan al-Nahdliyyah? Jawabnya adalah karena banyak kalangan lain di luar NU yang juga mengklaim sebagai pengikut Ahlussunnah Waljamaah (disingkat Aswaja), tetapi memiliki cara pikir, gerakan, dan amalan yang berbeda dengan NU.

Negara Islam di Irak dan Suriah (NIIS) pun mengaku sebagai pengikut Ahlussunnah Waljamaah, tetapi sepak terjang mereka selama ini sangat ditentang NU. Karena itu, Islam Nusantara adalah cara dan sekaligus identitas Aswaja yang dipahami dan dipraktikkan para mua’sis (pendiri) dan ulama NU. Islam Nusantara adalah cara proaktif warga NU dalam mengidentifikasi kekhususan-kekhususan yang ada pada diri mereka guna mengiktibarkan karakteristik-karakteristik ke-NU-an. Karakteristik-karakteristik ini bersifat peneguhan identitas yang distingtif, tetapi demokratis, toleran, dan moderat.

Tiga pilar

Pada dasarnya ada tiga pilar atau rukun penting di dalam Islam Nusantara. Pertama, pemikiran (fikrah); kedua, gerakan (harakah); dan ketiga, tindakan nyata (amaliyyah/amaliah).

Pilar pertama, pemikiran, meliputi cara berpikir yang moderat (tawassuth). Artinya, Islam Nusantara berada dalam posisi yang tidak tekstualis, tetapi juga tidak liberal. Tekstualis dimaksud adalah berpikir secara kaku pada nash (al-jumûd al-manqûlãt) sebagaimana yang terjadi pada kaum Wahabi di dalam memahami teks-teks Al Quran. Salah satu pernyataan Imam al-Qarafi, ulama ahli usul fikih, menyatakan jika ”al-jumûd ‘alã al-manqûlãt abadan dalãl fi al-din wa jahl bi maqasidihi”, pembacaan yang statis (tanpa tafsir) penafsiran pada hal-hal yang dalil-dalil yang selamanya adalah kesesatan di dalam agama dan kebodohan tentang maksud-maksud agama. Liberal dimaksud adalah cara berpikir yang bebas tanpa mengindahkan metodologi yang disepakati di kalangan ulama yang dijadikan pegangan berpikir di kalangan NU.

Pilar kedua adalah gerakan. Artinya, semangat yang mengendalikan Islam Nusantara itu ditujukan pada perbaikan-perbaikan. Tugas Islam Nusantara adalah melakukan perbaikan-perbaikan (reformasi) untuk jamiah (perkumpulan) dan jemaah (warga) yang tak hanya didasarkan pada tradisi, tetapi juga inovasi. Reformasi Islam Nusantara adalah reformasi menuju tahapan yang lebih baik dan secara terus-menerus. Jadi, posisi Islam Nusantara bukan hanya mengambil hal yang baik saja (al-akhdh bi al-jadid al-aslah), karena istilah mengambil itu pasif, tetapi juga melakukan inovasi, mencipta yang terbaik dan terbaik. Prosesnya terus-menerus. Inovasi pun tak cukup, juga harus dibarengi dengan sikap aktif dan kritis.

Pilar ketiga adalah amaliah. Islam Nusantara sebagai identitas Aswaja NU menekankan bahwa segala hal yang dilakukan nahdliyin harus lahir dari dasar pemikiran yang berlandaskan pada fikih dan usul fikih; disiplin yang menjadi dasar kita untuk menyambungkan amaliah yang diperintah Al Quran dan Sunah Nabi. Dengan cara demikian, amaliah Islam Nusantara itu sangat menghormati pada tradisi-tradisi serta budaya yang telah berlangsung sejak lama di tengah masyarakat. Tradisi atau budaya yang di dalam usul fikih disebut dengan ’urf atau ‘ãdat tidak begitu saja diberangus, tetapi dirawat sepanjang tidak menyimpang dari nilai-nilai ajaran Islam. Praktik keagamaan demikian inilah pada dasarnya yang dilakukan Wali Songo dan kemudian diwariskan para pendiri NU kepada kita semua.

Penanda Islam Nusantara
Ada lima penanda Islam Nusantara. Pertama, reformasi (islahiyyah). Artinya, pemikiran, gerakan, dan amalan yang dilakukan para nahdliyin selalu berorientasi pada perbaikan. Pada aspek pemikiran, misalnya, selalu ada perkembangan di sana (tatwir al-fikrah), dan karena itu, pemikiran Islam Nusantara adalah pemikiran yang ditujukan untuk perbaikan terus. Cara berpikirnya adalah tidak statis dan juga tidak kelewat batas.

Kedua, tawazuniyyah, yang berarti seimbang di segala bidang. Jika sebuah gerakan diimplementasikan, maka aspek keseimbangan juga harus dijadikan pertimbangan. Tawazunniyyah ini menimbang dengan keadilan.

Ketiga, tatawwu’iyyah, yang berarti sukarela (volunterisme). Satu hal yang harus dipegang dalam kesukarelaan ini adalah dalam menjalankan pemikiran, gerakan dan amalan, nahdliyin tidak boleh memaksakan pada pihak lain (lã ijbãriyyah). Artinya, orang NU harus memperhatikan hak-hak orang di luar NU. Secara internal, warga NU juga tak boleh bersikap fatalistik (jabbãriyyah), harus senantiasa berusaha dan berinovasi menegakkan tiga pilar Islam Nusantara di atas. Dengan kata lain, tidak ada pemaksaan, tetapi bukan tidak berbuat apa-apa.

Keempat, santun (akhlaqiyyah), yaitu segala bentuk pemikiran, gerakan, dan amalan warga Islam Nusantara dilaksanakan dengan santun. Santun di sini berlaku sesuai dengan etika kemasyarakatan dan kenegaraan serta keagamaan.

Kelima, tasamuh, yang berarti bersikap toleran, respek kepada pihak lain. Sikap toleran ini tidak pasif, tetapi kritis dan inovatif. Dalam bahasa keseharian warga NU adalah sepakat untuk tidak sepakat.

Secara konseptual, kelima penanda Islam Nusantara tersebut mudah diucapkan, tetapi sulit direalisasikan. Sulit di sini berbeda dengan tidak bisa melaksanakan. Misalnya, sikap Islam Nusantara dalam menyikapi dua arus formalisme keagamaan dan substansialisasi keagamaan berada di tengah. Kedua arus boleh diperjuangkan selama tidak menimbulkan konflik. Prinsip yang harus dipegang dalam hal ini adalah kesepakatan (konsensus), demokratis, dan konstitusional.

Ijtihad

Hal penting lain yang ingin penulis sampaikan adalah persoalan ijtihad. Apakah model ijtihad Islam Nusantara? Ijtihad Islam Nusantara adalah ijtihad yang selama ini dipraktikkan oleh NU. Prinsipnya, Islam tak hanya terdiri pada aspek yang bersifat tekstual, tetapi juga aspek yang bersifat ijtihadiyah. Ketika kita menghadapi masalah yang tak ada di dalam teks, maka kita menganggap masalah selesai, artinya tidak dicarikan jawaban.

Islam Nusantara tidak berhenti di sini, tetapi melihat dan mengkajinya lebih dulu lewat mekanisme-mekanisme pengambilan hukum yang disepakati di kalangan nahdliyin. Hasil dari mekanisme metodologi hukum ini (proses istinbãt al-hukm) harus dibaca lagi dari perspektif Al Quran dan Sunah. Mekanisme metodologi hukum yang biasa dipakai nahdliyin di sini misalnya adalah maãlahah (kebaikan).

Ilustrasinya, jika sebuah amalan tak ada di rujukan tekstualnya, tetapi ia membawa kebaikan di tengah masyarakat, hal itu justru harus dilestarikan: ”idhã wujida nasssS fathamma masslahah, idhã wujida al-maslahah fathamma shar’ al-Lãh—jika ditemukan teks, maka di sana ada kebaikan, dan jika ditemukan kebaikan, maka di sana adalah hukum Allah”. Ini uraian singkat dan pokoknya saja. Pembahasan lebih lanjut akan dilakukan di ruang yang lebih luas.

Pada akhir tulisan pendek ini saya ingin mengatakan Islam Nusantara harus lebih digali lagi sebagai perilaku bangsa agar tidak ada lagi hal-hal yang tidak kita inginkan justru terjadi.

MA’RUF AMIN,

RAIS AAM NAHDLATUL ULAMA

Tulisan ini dimuat di Kompas Cetak, 29 Agustus 2015 –

http://www.arrahmah.co.id/opini/khittah-islam-nusantara-oleh-kh-maruf-amin-13378

Metode Bahtsul Masa’il NU

 Abdul Moqsith Ghazali July 15, 2015 605 Views

IslamLib – Tak bisa dipungkiri mengenai terlalu dominannya fikih-madzhab Syafii di lingkungan NU. Ini menurut (Alm.) Kiai Sahal Mahfudz, bukan karena para kiai NU menolak aqwal di luar fikih Syafii, melainkan karena keterbatasan referensi fikih non-Syafii yang dimiliki para kiai NU. Namun, pada hemat saya, masalah sebenarnya bukan terletak pada apakah kita pro-Imam Syafii dan kontra imam madzhab lain, tapi pada apakah kita pro-para ulama Syafiiyah dan “kontra” Imam Syafii.

Betapa sering disaksikan, ketika berbicara mengenai fikih Syafii misalnya, para kiai lebih suka merujuk pada buku-buku karya ulama Syafiiyah seperti Imam Nawawi dan Imam Rofii ketimbang pada buku-buku fikih karya Imam Syafii seperti al-Umm, al-Imla’, dan lain-lain.

Dengan perkataan lain, para kiai lebih menyukai hasil interpretasi ulama Syafiiyah ketimbang langsung merujuk pada buku-buku fikih karya Imam Syafii sendiri. Karena itu, tak ayal lagi sekiranya para santri pondok pesantren mengetahui fikih Syafii via penjelasan para ulama Syafiiyah bukan dari buku-buku Imam Syafii secara langsung.

Bahkan, di lingkungan ulama Syafiiyah sendiri, seperti dianjurkan Syatha al-Dimyathi, para kiai NU secara formal telah bersepakat untuk bersandar pertama-tama pada pendapat yang disepakati Imam Nawawi dan Imam Rofii. Pertanyaannya kemudian; dimana posisi pendapat ulama Syafiiyah lain seperti Imamul Haramain, Imam Ghazali, Ibnu Daqiqil ‘Id, Zakaria al-Anshari, Khathib al-Syarbini, dan lain-lain.

Atas dasar itu, sebagian intelektual NU secara terus terang berkata bahwa NU sebenarnya bukan bermadzhab Syafii tapi bermadzhab Nawawi atau Rofii (bukan syafi’iyyul madzhabtapi nawawiyyul madzhab; bukan Syafi’iyul madzhab tapi syafi’iyatul madzhab).

Tentu saja pandangan ini tak sepenuhnya benar, karena tak dijumpai perbedaan tajam antara pendapat Imam Syafii dan pendapat ulama Syafiiyah. Dalam banyak kasus fikih, ulama Syafiiyah cenderung menyetujui, mengelaborasi dan menambahkan argumen fikih Syafii. Penting dikemukakan, sebagian kiai memang kerap memperlakukan para ulama Syafiiyah secara tak sejajar.

Padahal, tak menutup kemungkinan, argumen Imam Nawawi dalam suatu kasus kalah kuat dengan argumen yang disuguhkan Zakaria al-Anshari dalam kasus yang sama. Begitu juga sebaliknya pada kasus yang lain. Karena itu, seperti kurang arif, jika kita mengunggulkan pendapat Syaikhani (Nawawi-Rofii) dalam semua perkara fikih dan “menomor-sekiankan” pendapat ulama Syafiiyah lain dalam semua masail fiqhiyyah.

Namun, menarik dicermati. Walau secara de jure NU telah menyepakati, pendapat yang disepakati Imam Nawawi-Imam Rofii berada pada level puncak, dalam prakteknya secara de facto tak terlampau jelas demikian. Bisa disaksikan, ketika bahtsul masa’il terselenggara, para kiai NU tak terbebani untuk pertama-tama mencari pendapat yang disepakati Syaikhani, lalu Imam Nawawi, Imam Rofii, dan seterusnya.

Dalam penelusuran ta’bir, para kiai bisa memungut ta’bir kitab secara bebas, berselancar dari satu kitab fikih ke kitab fikih lain. Tak terlihat ada sekat psikologis yang menghalangi para kiai untuk berpindah-pindah kitab fikih walau masih dalam rumpun kutub Syafiiyah. Karena itu, keputusan dalam Muktamar NU Surabaya yang cenderung mengglorifikasi Imam Nawawi-Imam Rofii perlu diubah untuk disesuaikan dengan asas kesetaraan yang telah lama berlangsung dalam bahtsul masa’il NU.

Melalui Munas NU di Lampung tahun 1992, para kiai NU juga mengintroduksi kemungkinan melakukan ilhaq al-masa’il bi nadha’iriha. Ilhaq ini sengaja diajukan konon untuk menghindar dari melakukan qiyas yang nota bene merupakan domain para mujtahid, sementara para kiai NU merasa belum berada di level mujtahid itu. Dan kita tahu, dalam ilhaq, yang dijadikan mulhaq bih adalah aqwalul ulama, sementara aqwalul ulama itu sendiri adalah hasil ijtihad para ulama yang terikat dengan ruang dan waktu.

Artinya, berbeda dengan qiyas yang maqis ‘alaihi-nya adalah sesuatu yang tetap-tak berubah (tsawabit), maka mulhaq bih di dalam ilhaqadalah sesuatu yang dinamis dan berubah (mutaghayyirat). Pertanyaannya, bagaimana sesuatu yang rentan terhadap perubahan bisa dijadikan sandaran dalam merespons soal-soal fikih yang terus berkembang? Karena itu, ada tawaran, yang dilakukan para kiai NU itu seharusnya qiyas bukan ilhaq. Persis di sini sandungannya. Jika kita mendorong penggunaan qiyas, maka kita akan berhadapan dengan keengganan para kiai untuk berqiyas.

Telah lama dikeluhkan, bahtsul masail NU lebih banyak merupakan aktivitas untuk mencocok-cocokkan kasus-kasus hukum (waqai’ fiqhiyyah) dengan ‘ibaratul kutub.Keluhan ini dibangun di atas kesadaran bahwa sekalipun kasus hukum yang ada sekarang tampak serupa dengan kasus lama yang sudah ditangani para ulama lampau, hakekatnya tetaplah kasus lama dan kasus baru itu berbeda.

Sebab, konteks zamannya sudah beda dan manusia yang menjadi obyek hukumnya pun juga beda. Untuk mengukuhkan kesadaran itu, maka dikutiplah perkataan al-Syathibi, “Setiap perkara yang datang adalah perkara baru (umurun musta’nafah)”, karena sesungguhnya tak ada perkara yang berulang.

Untuk menghindari bahtsul masail hanya merupakan kerja pencocokan ibaratul kutubitu, para kiai menyelenggarakan halaqah di PP Watucongol Muntilan Magelang pada tanggal 15-17 Desember 1988 dengan tema “Telaah Kitab Kuning Secara Kontekstual”.

Poin-poin yang dihasilkan dalam halaqah tersebut, di antaranya adalah; [a]. memahami teks kitab klasik harus dengan konteks sosial-historisnya; [b]. mengembangkan kemampuan observasi dan analisis terhadap teks kitab; [c]. memperbanyak muqabalah (perbandingan) dengan kitab-kitab lain, baik dalam lingkup madzhab Syafii maupun di luar madzhab; [d]. Meningkatkan intensitas diskusi intelektual antara pakar disiplin ilmu terkait dengan materi yang tercantum dalam kitab klasik;
[e]. mampu menghadapkan kajian teks kitab kuning dengan wacana aktual dengan bahasa yang komunikatif. Poin-poin itu tentu cukup brilian. Tapi, ntah karena sibuk atau apa, sebagian kiai tak suka melakukaan penelaahan kitab kuning secara kontektual.

Lebih maju lagi, melalui Munas Lampung tahun 1992, NU mengajak audiens ulama NU untuk melakukan istinbath jamai dengan tetap bertumpu pada manhaj (ushul fikih) imam madzhab. Ini terutama untuk menangani kasus-kasus fikih baru yang belum pernah ada zaman dahulu. Namun, sampai sekarang belum dirumuskan perihal mekanisme istinbath jamai tersebut.

Apakah istinbath jamai itu sama belaka denganijtihad jamai seperti disuarakan para ulama non-NU selama ini? Belum juga terjabarkan mengenai manhaj siapa yang akan menjadi pegangan? Apakah dimungkinkan melakukan “talfiq manhaji”? Ataukah, jika secara qawli kita melakukan “al-tamadzhub bi madzhabin mu’ayyan”, maka apakah secara metodologis kita juga perlu “al-tamanhuj bi manhajin mu’ayyan”. Di sinilah, kita memerlukan kajian khusus untuk memilih satu metodologi dari beragam metodologi yang sudah ada.

Inilah pokok-pokok pikiran yang bisa menjadi renungan akademis kita bersama, sebelum kita merumuskan Metode Bahtsul Masail NU secara final di arena muktamar NU nanti di Jombang Jawa Timur 1-5 Agustus 2015. In sya’a Allah. In uridu illa al-Ishlah ma istatha’tu wa ma taufiqi illa bi Allah.

Tulisan ini pernah dipresentasikan dalam halaqah terbatas yang diselenggarakan Lembaga Bahtsul Masail (LBM) PBNU, Jakarta, 5 Pebruari 2015.

http://islamlib.com/lembaga/nahdlatululama/metode-bahtsul-masail-nu/

Ini Susunan Pengurus PBNU 2015-2020

Detik, Sabtu 22 Aug 2015, 18:42 WIB
Ini Susunan Pengurus PBNU 2015-2020
Rina Atriana - detikNews

Jakarta - Pengurus Besar Nahdlatul Ulama (PBNU) mengumumkan susunan kepengurusan baru periode 2015-2020. Duduk sebagai ketua umum yaitu Said Aqil Siradj dan bertindak sebagai wakil ketua umum Slamet Effendy Yusuf.

Said Aqil dalam sambutannya mengatakan, pengurus NU yang baru juga menjaring dari Indonesia tengah dan timur. Tokoh-tokoh muda yang punya peran besar diberikan kesempatan.

"Kami juga memberi perhatian kepada Indonesia timur dan Indonesia tengah. Menampung aktivis-aktivis di muktamar dulu," kata Said Aqil dalam konferensi pers pengurus baru NU di Kantor Pusat PBNU, Jl Kramat Raya, Jakarta Pusat, Sabtu (22/8/2015).

Said Aqil menjelaskan, ia akan menjaga NU agar tak ikut terlibat dalam politik praktis. "Kita kawal NU tak ikut politik praktis," tegasnya.

Berikut susunan pengurus PBNU hasil rapat tim formatur secara lengkap:

Mustasyar

KH. Maemun Zubair
Dr. KH. Ahmad Mustofa Bisri
KH. Nawawi Abdul Jamil
KH. Abdul Muchit Muzadi
Prof. Dr. KH. M. Tholhah Hasan
KH. Dimyati Rois
KH. Makhtum Hannan
KH. Muhtadi Dimyathi
AGH. Sanusi Baco
TGH Turmudzi Badaruddin
KH. Zaenuddin Djazuli
KH. Abdurrahman Musthafa
KH. M. Anwar Mansyur
KH. Habib Luthfi bin Yahya
KH. Sya'roni Ahmadi
KH. Ahmad Syatibi
KH. Syukri Unus
Dr. H. M. Jusuf Kalla
Prof. Dr. Chotibul Umam
Prof. Dr. Tengku H. Muslim Ibrahim
KH. Hasbullah Badawi
KH. Hasyim Wahid
KH. Thohir Syarqawi Pinrang
KH. Hamdan Kholid
KH. Saifuddin Amsir
KH. Zubair Muntashor
KH. Ahmad Basyir
KH. Ahmad Shodiq
KH. Mahfud Ridwan
Prof. Dr. KH. Nasaruddin Umar, MA.
Prof. Dr. H. Machasin, MA.
KH. Adib Rofiuddin Izza
Habib Zein bin Smith
Dr. Ir. Awang Faroeq Ishaq

Rais Aam

Dr. KH. Ma'ruf Amin

Wakil Rais Aam

KH. Miftahul Akhyar

Rais

KH. Mas Subadar
KH. Masdar Farid Mas'udi
KH. Ahmad Ishomuddin, M.Ag.
KH. A. R. Ibnu Ubaidillah Syatori
KH. Dimyati Romli
KH. Abdullah Khafabihi Mahrus
KH. Khalilurrahman
KH. Syarifuddin Abdul Ghani
KH. Ali Akbar Marbun
KH. Subhan Makmun
KH. M. Mustofa Aqil Siroj
KH. Cholil As'ad Samsul Arifin
KH. Idris Hamid
KH. Akhmad Said Asrori
KH. Abdul Hakim
Dr. KH. Zakki Mubarok
Prof. Dr. Maskuri Abdillah
KH. Najib Abdul Qadir

Katib Aam

KH. Yahya Cholil Staquf

Katib

KH. Mujib Qulyubi
Drs. KH. Shalahuddin al-Ayyubi, M.Si.
Dr. KH. Abdul Ghafur Maemun
KH. Zulfa Musthafa
Dr. H. Asrorun Ni'am Shaleh
KH. Acep Adang Ruchiyat
KH. Lukman Hakim Haris
KH. Taufuqurrahman Yasin
KH. Abdussalam Shohib
KH. Zamzami Amin
Dr. H. Sa'dullah Affandy, M.Ag.

A'wan

KH. Abun Bunyamin Ruchiat
Drs. KH. Cholid Mawardi
KH. TK Bagindo M. Letter
Prof. Dr. H. M. Ridlwan Lubis
KH. Mukhtar Royani
KH. Abdullah Syarwani, SH.
KH. Eep Nuruddin, M.Pd.I.
Drs. KH. Nuruddin Abdurrahman, SH.
KH. Ulinnuha Arwani
KH. Abdul Azis Khayr Afandi
H. Fauzi Nur
Dr. KH. Hilmi Muhammadiyah, M.Si.
KH. Maulana Kamal Yusuf
KH. Ahmad Bagja
KH. Muadz Thohir
KH. Maimun Ali
H. Imam Mudzakir
H. Ahm,ad Ridlwan
Drs. H. Taher Hasan
Dra. Hj. Sinta Nuriyah, M.Hum.
Dra. Hj. Mahfudhoh Ali Ubaid
Nyai. Hj. Nafisah Sahal Mahfudh
Prof. Dr. Hj. Chuzaimah T. Yanggo
Dr. Hj. Faizah Ali Sibromalisi, MA.
Prof. Dr. Hj. Ibtisyaroh, SH., MM.
Dr. Hj. Sri Mulyati

Ketua umum

Prof. Dr. KH. Said Aqil Siroj, MA.

Wakil ketua umum

Drs. H. Slamet Effendy Yusuf, M.Si.

Ketua

Drs. H. Saifullah Yusuf
Dr. H. Marsudi Syuhud
Prof. Dr. M. Nuh, DEA.
Prof. Dr. Ir. Mochammad Maksum Machfoedz, M.Sc.
Drs. KH. Abbas Muin, Lc.
Drs. H. Imam Azis
Drs. H. Farid Wajdi, M.Pd.
Dr. H. Muh. Salim al-Jufri, M.Sos.I.
KH. Hasib Wahab
Dr. H. Hanief Saha Ghafur
KH. Abdul Manan Ghani
KH. Aizzuddin Abdurrahman, SH.
H. Nusron Wahid, SE., M.SE.
Dr. H. Eman Suryaman
Robikin Emhas, SH. MH.
Ir. H. Iqbal Sullam
H. M. Sulton Fatoni, M.Si.

Sekretaris Jenderal

Ir. H. A. Helmy Faishal Zaini

Wakil Sekretaris Jenderal

H. Andi Najmi Fuaidi, SH.
dr. H. Syahrizal Syarif, MPH., Ph.D.
Drs. H. Masduki Baidlowi
Drs. H. Abdul Mun'im DZ
Ishfah Abidal Azis, SH.I.
H. Imam Pituduh, SH. MH.
Ir. Suwadi D. Pranoto
H. Ulil A. Hadrawi, M.Hum.
H. Muhammad Said Aqil, Spd.
Sultonul Huda, M.Si.
Dr. Aqil Irham
Heri Haryanto

Bendahara Umum

Dr.-Ing. H. Bina Suhendra

Bendahara

H. Abidin
H. Bayu Priawan Joko Sutono, SE., M.BM.
H. Raja Sapta Ervian, SH., M.Hum.
H. Nurhin
H. Hafidz Taftazani
Umarsyah HS
N. M. Dipo Nusantara Pua Upa

(rna/dhn)

http://news.detik.com/berita/2998570/ini-susunan-pengurus-pbnu-2015-2020

Pancasila's Contemporary Appeal: Re-legitimizing Indonesia's Founding Ethos

Background - Call for Papers

Indonesia's first president, Sukarno, created a revolutionary concept as the founding ethos of the newborn state of Indonesia. Pancasila was formulated as an intellectual concept to unify the rich variety of cultural, ethnic, linguistic, social and religious groups found throughout the vast and diverse Indonesian archipelago. Expanding its reach into all fields of society touching upon economics, politics, social justice, religion and human rights, after much contested debate, Pancasila was eventually accepted as the founding ethos of Indonesia.

Many years of economic, educational, political, and state-building development have passed since Pancasila was first espoused, resulting in the contemporary reality of Indonesian society. The current evolution of globalization and supra-national state structures have redefined the nation-state, directly challenging the relevance of a political philosophy developed decades ago and have put intense pressure upon the current interpretation of Pancasila.

The aim of this conference is to address questions and issues exploring to what degree Pancasila, as the founding ethos of Indonesia, continues to be relevant in a global and modern Indonesian society? To what degree can Pancasila and its followers address the various challenges of the centrifugal forces of globalization and modernity?

True to the multidisciplinary goal of the Yale Indonesia Forum (YIF), this topic will be approached by scientists and researchers from various intellectual and academic disciplines in order to highlight and question the different aspects of Indonesia's founding ethos of Pancasila. Abstracts are therefore invited for papers from scholars focusing on any social, economic, cultural, or religious aspect of this issue. Yogyakarta has again been chosen to host this year's YIF conference because of its nature as center of academic excellence in Indonesia, and as such, capacity to bring together intellectually and ethnically diverse people from all parts of Indonesia.

Program
July 1-2, 2009

Day 1

08.00 - 09.30 : Registration

09.00 - 10:00 : Opening Ceremony

Welcome by Fr. Ninik Yudiyanti, Vice-President of Sanata Dharma University.

Presentation of Towards An Inclusive Democratic Indonesian Society: Bridging the Gap between State Uniformity and Multicultural Identity Patterns, publication No 1 of the Yale Indonesia Forum International Conference Book Series, to Sanata Dharma University by Frank Dhont, YIF Coordinator.

10.00 - 10.15 : Coffee break

10.15-11.45: Panel 1: EXPRESSIONS OF PANCASILA

Moderator: A. Tripriantoro, Sanata Dharma University

Jennifer Goodlander, Ohio University.
"Rhythms of a National Body: Balinese Dance and the Ideology of the Panscasila."

Sita Hidayah, Florida International University/Institute for Interfaith Dialogue in Indonesia.
"Translating 'Ketuhanan Yang Maha Esa' An Amenable Religious Repertoire?"

M. Endy Saputro, Gadjah Mada University.
"Reinterpreting Pancasila Kita."

11.45 - 12.45 : Lunch break

12.45 - 14.45 : Panel 2: INSPIRING A NATION

Moderator: Tamara Aberle, University of London

Satish Kumar Singh, DAV PG College, Banaras Hindu University
"Pancasila: Ethos of India"

Michael O'Shannassy, Australia National University.
"(Re)Imagining Community: Pancasila and National Identity in Contemporary Indonesia."

Saafroedin Bahar, Nusantara Institute.
"Pancasila, the living Staatsfundamentalnorm of the Indonesian nation-state."

Rommel A. Curaming, National University of Singapore.
"Consuming National Ideologies in the Blogsphere: Pancasila, Rukunegara and the Changing Matrix of Political Engagement in Indonesia and Malaysia"

14.45 - 15.00 : Coffee break

15.00 - 16.00 : Panel 3: INCLUDING THE OTHERS: PANCASILA FOR ALL?

Moderator: Tamara Aberle, University of London

Johanes Herlijanto, Macquarie University.
"Encountering the Ideological Other: Indonesians' Perception on Pancasila's 'Archenemy.'"

Yuwanto, Universitas Diponegoro.
"Exclusive bylaws at odds with state ideology of Pancasila."


Day 2

08.00 - 08.45 : Registration

08.45 - 10.15 : Panel 4: EDUCATION AND PANCASILA VALUES

Moderator: Melanie A. Nyhof, University of Pittsburgh

Frank Dhont, Yale University.
"Sukarno's Pancasila: a Man of his Time."

Hastangka, Gadjah Mada University.
"Pancasila Education in the Post Reform Era, Senior High Schools (SMA): A Study in Yogyakarta."

H. Purwanta, Sanata Dharma University.
"Inculcating Pancasila."

10.15 - 10.30 : Coffee break

10.30 - 12.30 : Panel 5: Questioning Pancasila's relevance: past and present.

Moderator: Melissa Teetzel, Pepperdine University

Seung-Won Song, Sogang University.
"Back to Basics in Indonesia?: Reassessing the Pancasila and Pancasila State and Society, 1945-2007."

Victor Sumsky, Institute of World Economy and International Relations.
"Why Pancasila may look irrelevant in 2009 - and why it may not."

G. Budi Subanar, Sanata Dharma University.
"Story of Pancasila through Visual Art: A Preliminary Research."

Michael Wood, Dawson College.
"Has Pancasila Ever been Relevant?: A Historical Inquiry."

12.30 - 13.30: Lunch break

13.30 - 15.30: Panel 6: APPLYING PANCASILA IN A COMMUNITY

Moderator: Melissa Teetzel, Pepperdine University

Kevin W. Fogg, Yale University.
"Pancasila as an Idea, not an Icon; Masyumi and the State Ideology."

Silverio R.L. Aji Sampurno, Sanata Dharma University.
"Pancasila, truly of the Indonesian people: The case of the community of Bening Village in Sleman, Yogyakarta."

Pius S. Prasetyo, Parahyangan University.
"Village Democracy : The Interaction Between Local Culture and Modern Political Pattern."

Lukas S. Ispandriarno, Atma Jaya Yogyakarta University.
"Pancasila Press after the New Order: The Concept and Practice of Pancasila Press according to the Version of Kedaulatan Rakyat newspaper of Yogyakarta."

15.30-16.00: Closing Ceremony

Closing Remarks by Frank Dhont, Yale University and Silverio R.L. Aji Sampurno, Sanata Dharma University.

Closing and presentation of souvenirs to all speakers by Paulus Wiryono Priyotamtomo, President of Sanata Dharma University.

Conference Organizers:
Frank Dhont, Yale University
Silverio R. L. A. Sampurno, Sanata Dharma University
S. Nindito, Atma Jaya Yogyakarta University
Thomas J. Conners, Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology

Cooperating Institutions:
Yale Indonesia Forum, Yale University
Sanata Dharma University
Atma Jaya Yogyakarta University


For additional information: E-mail frank.dhont@yale.edu